Berlin-Beograd
Intro
When we got
on the train in Berlin to set off to the icy cold of Belgrade in
December 2002, we knew at least who was going to expect us there.
The first part of an exchange between a group of Belgrade university
students and graduates who had been involved in the protests against
Milosevic while holding very different political views, and us,
a group mainly of activists in different leftist circles in Berlin,
had already taken place in Berlin in October 2002. The exchange
was part of the political journeys program of the Internationaler
Arbeitskreis e.V. (International Working Group) which already had
contacts in Belgrade. In Belgrade, we planned to continue our discussions
about the two main issues of the project, nationalism and racism,
to broaden our perspectives and to pose a lot of questions. Of course,
we also wanted to explore a new city and get to know our exchange
partners' everyday lives. They welcomed us at the Belgrade train
station and took us to our accommodations.
Our Berlin
group had come together only on the occasion of the exchange, although
some of us had known each other before. The war in Kosovo in 1999
lead many of us to have a critical look at the situation in Yugoslavia.
The first German combat mission since 1945 was euphemistically called
a "humanitarian intervention" and justified by saying that a "new
Auschwitz" had to be averted. In view of these circumstances, we
wanted to know how people in Serbia had judged and experienced the
NATO bombings. The anti-Serbian propaganda in the German media during
Milosevics term of office and the insufficient analysis of the situation
by the majority of the German left lead us to deal with the changes
in the last decade in Serbia. Some of us were surprised at the fact
that there were people in Belgrade who had placed hopes in the bombings.
Considering the clear positioning of the German government in favor
of the Kosovo-Albanians on one hand, and the broad local protest
movement against the Serbian government on the other hand, Serbia
was of particular interest to us. Our starting-point was the fatal
influence of the German foreign policy on the situation in Yugoslavia
during the 90ies: Hadn't the German government aggravated the conflict
with its "fuel to the fire" policy (that is by the rash recognition
of Slovenia and Croatia) which showed a certain continuity of German
policy towards the Balkans? The issue of the very different functions
of nationalism in Germany and (ex) Yugoslavia and the turning of
social conflicts into ethnic ones in particular was crucial for
us.
Another motivation
was our criticism of the European refugee policy. Many of the refugees
living in Germany, Roma in particular, were either victims of the
"humanitarian interventions", that is of the NATO bombings on Yugoslavia,
or victims of the subsequent expulsions by Albanian nationalists
who had been supported and strengthened by NATO politics. In Germany,
however, the expulsions were considered as a result of internal
Yugoslavian conflicts which no further responsibility had to be
taken for. On the contrary, the deportations to refugee camps and
slums were sold as part of a humanitarian aid program and euphemistically
called "repatriations".
Our main goal
for the Berlin part of the exchange was to show the exclusion of
and the discrimination against non-Germans in Germany and the rapid
increase of nationalism, racism and anti-Semitism since the so-called
reunification. Too positive images of Germany our Belgrade exchange
partners possibly had should thereby be corrected. Thus one focus
of the Berlin program was on the situation of refugees, both as
a consequence of the war in Kosovo and from the perspective of refugees
self-organization. A lecture by the Forschungsgesellschaft
Flucht und Migration (Research Centre Migration and Refuge)
on the cooperation of NATO, NGOs and the EU and their strategies
of repulsing refugees during the Kosovo war was on the agenda. Furthermore
we met the Flüchtlingsinitiative
Brandenburg (Initiative Group of Asylum Seekers, Brandenburg)
and a Roma group taking actions against their deportations. For
the issue of racism we watched the movie The Truth Lies in Rostock
about the racist pogrom in Rostock in 1993, and discussed about
it with Heike Kleffner, a journalist who then was present in Rostock.
Together with representatives of the Bündnis
gegen Antisemitismus und Antizionismus (Alliance against anti-Semitism
and anti-Zionism) and the Bundesverband
Jüdischer Studenten in Deutschland (Association of Jewish Students
in Germany), we discussed about the current situation of Jews
and the growing anti-Semitism in Germany. We also visited the concentration
camp memorial Sachsenhausen and the Antifaschistisches
Pressearchiv (Antifascist Press Archive). By discussing a lecture
on normalization, a revised version of which is to be found in this
reader, we tried to historically and theoretically analyse the social
changes in Germany. In the evenings, we explored the pubs and the
gay-lesbian scene of Berlin.
The concept
of the second part of our exchange, taking place in Belgrade in
December, was to connect the events in Belgrade and Berlin, to exchange
the different experiences and to discuss Serbian and German nationalism
in connection with racism, anti-Semitism, anticommunism and (in
the Serbian case) the new role of the Orthodox Church. We were also
interested in feminist positions and in the situation of homosexuals
which had become notorious by the hooligans' raid on the Belgrade
Gay Parade in 2001. Furthermore, we wanted to know more about the
economic changes since Milosevics fall on 5 October, 2000. We wanted
to talk to groups still maintaining a positive reference to communism
and leftist social criticism. The situation of Roma in Yugoslavia
and, last but not least, the reasons for the civil wars in the 90ies
were further topics on our agenda. Our hosts in Belgrade did their
best to fit in all our wishes, but ten days were just not enough
to reasonably reflect all the meetings and discussions we had.
At the end
of the whole program we had to admit that each of us was given an
insight into the other world, but that a real exchange could only
take place now that we know the different personal and political
backgrounds. We have made up this reader in order to continue our
exchange, to document and reflect our impressions of Belgrade and
to give those interested in Yugoslavia an insight into current local
discussions. Our articles can only give a first overview and raise
new questions, we do not claim to present final answers. Some of
us visited Serbia again after our common stay there and gained new
impressions, partially answered questions or at least reposed them.
Some of these impressions, above all of the events during and after
Zoran Jinjic's murder, therefore left their marks on the texts as
well.
We did not
categorize the articles according to their topics, because many
of the topics comprehend so different aspects that we could not
and wanted not to decide on super-categories.
Last but not
least, we would like to thank our Belgrade friends for their organizational
work, their never-ending willingness to discuss with us and their
overwhelming hospitality. Without them, the meetings and this reader
could not have been realized, and we could not have learnt that
much about Yugoslavia and its inhabitants.
The editors
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